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Iran Nuclear Deal Is Reached After Long Negotiations
By DAVID E. SANGER and MICHAEL R. GORDON
JULY 14, 2015
VIENNA — Iran and a group of six nations led by the United States said they had reached a historic accord on Tuesday to significantly limit Tehran’s nuclear ability for more than a decade in return for lifting international oil and financial sanctions.
President Obama, in an early morning appearance at the White House that was broadcast live in Iran, began what promised to be an arduous effort to sell the deal to Congress and the American public, saying the agreement was “not built on trust. It is built on verification.”
But Mr. Obama made it abundantly clear that he would fight to preserve the deal in its entirety, saying, “I will veto any legislation that prevents the successful implementation of this deal.”
He added that the accord was preferable to the alternate scenario of an unbridled Iran touching off a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. “Put simply, no deal means a greater chance of more war in the Middle East,” he said. He added that his successors in the White House “will be in a far stronger position” to restrain Iran for decades to come than they would be without the pact.
Iran’s president, Hassan Rouhani, made a brief statement, saying that the Iranian people’s “prayers have come true.”
Not everyone was celebrating the signing of the accord. Israel’s prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, called it a “mistake of historic proportions” that would ultimately create a “terrorist nuclear superpower.”
The deal culminates 20 months of negotiations on an agreement that President Obama had long sought as the biggest diplomatic achievement of his presidency. Whether it portends a new relationship between the United States and Iran — after decades of coups, hostage-taking, terrorism and sanctions remains a bigger question.
In 18 consecutive days of talks here, American officials said, the United States secured major restrictions on the amount of nuclear fuel that Iran can keep in its stockpile for the next 15 years. It will require Iran to reduce its current stockpile of low enriched uranium by 98 percent, most likely by shipping much of it to Russia.
That measure, combined with a two-thirds reduction in the number of centrifuges spinning at Iran’s primary enrichment center at Natanz, would extend to a year the amount of time it would take Iran to make enough material for a bomb should it abandon the accord and race for a weapon — what officials call “breakout time.”
But American officials acknowledged that after the first decade, the breakout time would begin to shrink. It was unclear how rapidly, because Iran’s longer-term plans to expand its enrichment capability, using a new generation of centrifuges, will be kept confidential by the Iranian government, international inspectors and the other parties to the accord.
Secretary of State John Kerry, who led the negotiations for the United States, sought in his remarks today to blunt criticism on this point. “Iran will not produce or acquire highly enriched uranium or plutonium for at least 15 years, he said. Verification measures, he said, would “stay in place permanently.”
He stressed that Tehran and the Internaitonal Atomic Energy Agency had “entered into an agreement to address all questions” about Iran’s past actions within three months, and that completing this task was “fundamental for sanctions relief.”
But it was left unclear whether the inspectors would be able to interview the scientists and engineers who were believed to have been at the center of an alleged effort by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps to design a weapon that Iran could manufacture on short order.
The Obama administration’s assertion that “breakout time” will be expanded to a year during the first decade of the accord, a substantial increase from the current estimate of two to three months, has been one of the White House’s selling points for the agreement. But it is also likely to be one of the most contentious questions during debate of the accord in Congress.
In an interview with National Public Radio in April, Mr. Obama said that in “year 13, 14, 15” of the agreement, the breakout time might shrink “almost down to zero,” as Iran is expected to develop and use advanced centrifuges then.
Pressed on that point, an American official who briefed reporters on Tuesday said that Iran’s long-term plans to expand its enrichment capability would be shared with the International Atomic Energy Agency and other parties to the accord.
While this information is expected to be shared with the United States Congress in classified briefings, it will not be made public.
The official asserted that the reduction in the breakout time would be gradual because Iran’s stockpile of lower enriched uranium would be limited for 15 years. But after 15 years, Iran could have a substantial enrichment capability.
“It is going to be a gradual decline,” the official said. “At the end of, say, 15 years, we are not going to know what that is.”
As news of a nuclear deal spread across Iran, Iranians reacted with a mix of jubilation, cautious optimism and disbelief that decades of a seemingly intractable conflict could be coming to an end.
“Have they really reached a deal?” asked Masoud Derakhshani, a 93 year-old widower who had come down to the lobby of his apartment building for his daily newspaper. Mr. Derakshani remained cautious, even incredulous. “I can’t believe it,” he said. “They will most probably hit some last minute snag.”
Across Tehran many expressed hoped for better economic times after years in which crippling sanctions that had severely depressed the value of the national currency, the rial, caused higher inflation, shortages of goods, including vital medicines, and forced Iranians to carry fat wads of bank notes to pay for every day items such as meat, rice and beans.
“I am desperate to feed my three sons, said Ali, a 53-year-old cleaner. “This deal should bring investment for jobs so they can start working for a living,” he said. National dignity, a key demand of Iran’s leader did not matter to him, he said. “I really do not care if this is a victory for us or not. I want relations with the West, if we compromised so be it.”
A senior Iranian official in Vienna, speaking to reporters on the condition on anonymity, called the agreement “a good deal that the Iranian people will support,” but added that he was uncertain how it would “translate in the economics of the country.”
One of the last, and most contentious issues, was the question of whether and how fast an arms embargo on conventional weapons and missiles, imposed starting in 2006, would be lifted.
After days of haggling, Secretary of State Kerry and his Iranian counterpart, Mohammad Javad Zarif, agreed that the missile restrictions would remain for eight years and that a similar ban on the purchase and sale of missiles would be removed in five years.
Those bans would be removed even sooner if the International Atomic Energy Agency is able to reach a definitive conclusion that the Iranian nuclear program is entirely peaceful, and that there was no evidence of cheating on the accord or any activity to obtain weapons covertly.
The provisions on the arms embargo are expected to dominate the coming debate in Congress on the accord.
Even before the deal was announced, critics expressed fears that Iran would use some of the billions of dollars it will receive in sanctions relief to build up its military power in the region. Iranian officials, however, have said that Iran should be treated like any other nation, and not be subjected to an arms embargo if it meets the terms of a nuclear deal.
Mr. Kerry appeared to secure another commitment that was not part of a preliminary agreement, negotiated in Lausanne, Switzerland, in April. Iranian officials agreed here on a multiyear ban on designing warheads and conducting tests, including with detonators and nuclear triggers, that would contribute to the design and manufacture of a nuclear weapon. Accusations that Tehran conducted that kind of research in the past led to a standoff with international inspectors.
Diplomats also came up with unusual procedure to “snap back” the sanctions against Iran if an eight-member panel determines that Tehran is violating the nuclear provisions.
The members of the panel are Britain, China, France, Germany, Russia, the United States, the European Union and Iran itself.
A majority vote is required, meaning that Russia, China and Iran could not collectively block action. The investigation and referral process calls for a time schedule of 65 days, tight compared to the years the I.A.E.A. has taken to pursue suspicious activity.
With the announcement of the accord, Mr. Obama has now made major strides toward fundamentally changing the American diplomatic relationships with three nations: Cuba, Iran and Myanmar. Of the three, Iran is the most strategically important, the only one with a nuclear program, and it is still on the State Department’s list of state sponsors of terrorism.
Although some provisions, including the arms embargo, are expected to be especially contentious in Congress, Mr. Obama’s chances of ultimately prevailing are considered high. Even if the accord is voted down by one or both houses, he could veto that action, and he is likely to have the votes he would need to prevail in an effort to override the veto. But he has told aides that for an accord as important as this one — which he hopes will usher in a virtual truce with a country that has been a major American adversary for 35 years — he wants a congressional endorsement.
Mr. Obama will also have to manage the breach with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel and the leaders of Saudi Arabia and other Arab states who have warned against the deal, saying the relief of sanctions will ultimately empower the Iranians throughout the Middle East.
The announcement comes after years of sanctions and covert cyberattacks to disable Iran’s nuclear program, which Iranian leaders say is only for peaceful purposes.
Mr. Obama and Hillary Rodham Clinton, then the secretary of state, began the effort to reach an agreement on the nuclear program by sending aides on secret missions starting in 2012 to meet Iranian diplomats and explore the opening of talks, enraging Israeli officials who had been left in the dark.
A preliminary accord struck in 2013 temporarily froze much of Iran’s program and rolled back the production of a kind of fuel that was closest to bomb grade. The ensuing negotiations have been repeatedly extended and became Mr. Kerry’s single biggest mission. Once-rare American encounters with Iranian diplomats became routine. Along the way, Mr. Kerry has spent more hours with Mr. Zarif than with any other foreign minister.
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Finally. Anyhow, I doubt the neocons and/or warhawks will like it.
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The neocons hate it.
But, there is some suggeston that, if the deal was not brought about, that Russia, China, and perhaps others were going to "defect" from the international coalition. If that were to happen, we would have lost the sanctions on Iran in exchange for nothing.
So, perhaps this is the best deal that we could get?
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I hope the deal works out. The fact that France, Russia, China, Germany, and England signed onto it as well as Kerry and Obama, tells me that it was probably the best deal they could get.
We're going to hear a lot about how this is a horrible deal from the GOP presidential candidates and from the usual suspects in Congress. What I will be listening for from those who reflexively hate the deal are specific solutions they have to keep Iran from going nuclear. I suspect, outside of a few war hawks, there won't be many alternatives to what has been decided in Vienna.
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We're going to hear a lot about how this is a horrible deal from the GOP presidential candidates and from the usual suspects in Congress. What I will be listening for from those who reflexively hate the deal are specific solutions they have to keep Iran from going nuclear.
Me, too.
Last edited by Just Fred (7/14/2015 10:14 am)
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Just Fred wrote:
We're going to hear a lot about how this is a horrible deal from the GOP presidential candidates and from the usual suspects in Congress. What I will be listening for from those who reflexively hate the deal are specific solutions they have to keep Iran from going nuclear.
Me, too.
BINGO ! Nothing wrong with being opposed to the plan, but then you better be comng in with a much better idea (and I don't see that happening). That said, the diehards will suck up to the rhetoric, but it will wind up meaning diddly squat in the national elections.
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Lindsey Graham was on the telly opining that this deal was going to lead to the end of the world.
When asked, "What's your alternative, war?" Lindsey answered, "No, the President should get a better deal".
Wow, somebody call John Kerry. I'm sure that no one has ever offered such helpful advice.
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From my perspective, this article pretty much sums up the Iran deal and reaction to the deal:
Why Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Neocons Hate the Iran Deal
Here’s the thing to keep in mind about most critics of the Iran nuclear deal that was signed Tuesday morning: Their objections have nothing to do with the details of the deal.
The most diehard opponents—Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Saudi King Salman, and a boatload of neocons led by the perennial naysayer John Bolton—issued their fusillades against the accord (“an historic mistake,” “diplomatic Waterloo,” to say nothing of the standard charges of “appeasement” from those with no understanding of history) long before they could possibly have browsed its 159 pages of legalese and technical annexes.
What worries these critics most is not that Iran might enrich its uranium into an A-bomb. (If that were the case, why would they so virulently oppose a deal that put off this prospect by more than a decade?) No, what worries them much more deeply is that Iran might rejoin the community of nations, possibly even as a diplomatic (and eventually trading) partner of the United States and Europe.
European leaders, especially Federica Mogherini, the EU’s high representative for foreign affairs, and Philip Hammond, Great Britain’s finance minister, have said that the deal holds out hope for the reopening of broad relations with Iran—and that is precisely these critics’ fear.
Netanyahu and King Salman believe to war-war is better than to jaw-jaw.
The fear is hardly without reason. The lifting of sanctions, which this deal will trigger in the next few years, will certainly enrich Iran. This might embolden the government’s expansionist tendencies and its support of militant movements across the Middle East—or it might moderate the country’s stance, as the population (much of it literate and pro-Western) interacts more with the rest of the world and the reigning mullahs die off. There is some basis for this hope of transformation. How long can the mullahs sustain their cries of “Death to America” and their claims of Western encirclement—the rationale for their oppressive domestic policies—when the country’s president and foreign minister, clearly with the approval of the supreme leader, are shaking hands and signing deals with the Great Satan’s emissaries? Nonetheless, the hope is a gamble, and one can’t blame Israelis for refusing to stake too much on its payoff.
The Saudi royal family is another matter. King Salman sees the entire Middle East through the prism of a grand Arab cold war between Sunnis and Shiites—with the Shiites led by Iran and all Shiite movements, for instance the Houthi rebels in Yemen, as nothing more than Iranian proxies. It’s a zero-sum game: American diplomacy with Iran, in this view, amounts to an American betrayal of Saudi Arabia.
What Netanyahu and King Salman want Obama to do is to wage war against Iran—or, more to the point, to fight their wars against Iran for them. That is why they so virulently oppose U.S. diplomacy with Iran—because the more we talk with Iran’s leaders, the less likely we are to go to war with them. Their view is the opposite of Winston Churchill’s: They believe to war-war is better than to jaw-jaw.
President Obama needs to be (and clearly is) sensitive to these parochial views of the region and the world, but he shouldn’t (and clearly isn’t) holding American interests hostage to them.
Netanyahu is sure to lobby against this deal on Capitol Hill in the coming weeks, just as he lobbied against the negotiations in his dreadful but politically potent speech before Congress in March. Republicans—keen to cheer the Israeli prime minister and to pummel their own president—probably won’t realize that they’re being played as pawns in someone else’s game.
It may be that Netanyahu is overplaying his hand this time. In a speech on Tuesday, he described Iran’s aggression as “several times more dangerous than that of ISIS” and claimed that Iran’s “ultimate true aim” was “taking over the world.” Does anyone believe this? Does Netanyahu, really?
I’m not saying Republican senators and presidential candidates should roll over and endorse this Iran deal without serious scrutiny. But maybe they should read the document, attend some informed briefings, and analyze all the players’ political motives before endorsing a foreign leader’s claim that their own country’s president and secretary of state have surrendered their interests and “capitulated” to Tehran’s.
Last edited by Rongone (7/15/2015 9:48 am)