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Home Alone in the Trump Administration
President Trump has appointed fewer than three dozen of the top 1,000 officials he needs to run the federal government. Worse, he doesn’t think that’s a problem.
The president seems to have lost interest in the nomination process after making his cabinet and Supreme Court picks, people involved in the transition say. Now, he’s trying to pass off his inattention as some kind of plan. “In many cases, we don’t want to fill those jobs,” he said on Fox News this week. “What do all these people do? You don’t need all those jobs.”
Most incoming administrations move slowly during their first month. Mr. Trump has named only slightly fewer top officials at this point than Bill Clinton, George W. Bush or Barack Obama. But those administrations had scores of candidates in the pipeline by this time. Mr. Trump does not.
The Partnership for Public Service, a nonpartisan organization that assists transitions, recommends administrations should fill the top 400 Senate-confirmed agency slots before the August congressional recess. This means the White House has to get cracking, especially to fill roles vital to national security and the economy. It also means that aides like Steve Bannon, Kellyanne Conway and Reince Priebus might consider expending more effort finding good candidates than competing for Mr. Trump’s attention.
The National Security Council reflects the chaos: Lt. Gen. H. R. McMaster, the national security adviser hired after Michael Flynn’s firing, inherited a council of career staff members and nervous, often unqualified Flynn loyalists. The federal agencies are effectively run by Trump “beachhead” teams, some 600 people who mostly are campaign donors, Trump employees, pals or allied politicos. Many know little about the agencies they inhabit, and they are understandably resented by career staff members.
None of this is surprising to people familiar with Mr. Trump’s managerial style, a kind of mom-and-pop approach involving a tiny knot of family members and loyalists that is poorly suited to a federal government with three million employees around the world.
A story about Mr. Trump’s management style in Politico Magazine this week makes for nerve-racking reading: As his business was going bust in the 1990s, it emerged that Mr. Trump didn’t even have a chief financial officer — his lenders forced him to appoint one. The empty desks at the Treasury Department, which is led by Steve Mnuchin, who currently has nobody on his senior leadership team, aren’t exactly an example of lessons learned. Mr. Mnuchin has had his nominees nixed because their views haven’t jibed with those of someone in the White House, or because they have criticized Mr. Trump in the past.
Other cabinet officials, including Rex Tillerson at the State Department, have encountered hurdles at the White House. Shermichael Singleton, a senior adviser to Ben Carson, the secretary of Housing and Urban Development, may have set a record by getting fired before his boss’s first day on the job. He was booted for writing critically about Mr. Trump during the campaign. He was replaced by a Trump Organization employee Mr. Carson doesn’t know.
Mr. Trump promised a management mind-set “to make this country great again.” First he needs managers.
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President Trump has appointed fewer than three dozen of the top 1,000 officials he needs to run the federal government. Worse, he doesn’t think that’s a problem.
Authoritarians don't need help. People working within democratic governments get in the way.
None of this is surprising to people familiar with Mr. Trump’s managerial style, a kind of mom-and-pop approach involving a tiny knot of family members and loyalists that is poorly suited to a federal government with three million employees around the world.
All Trump needs is a handful of loyalists. Ask Ben Carson.
Shermichael Singleton, a senior adviser to Ben Carson, the secretary of Housing and Urban Development, may have set a record by getting fired before his boss’s first day on the job. He was booted for writing critically about Mr. Trump during the campaign. He was replaced by a Trump Organization employee Mr. Carson doesn’t know.
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I get what you are saying, Fred. Trump's concept of the Presidency is on full display here.
He thinks that the job amounts to nothing more than signing executive orders, and having his minions carry them out.
Trump has made a yuge miscalculation here.
And it just might save us all.
Last edited by Goose (3/04/2017 7:48 am)
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Yeah,on NO BIG DEAL. It is just like Trump Enterprise.
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Here's a related must read from the Atlantic on the state of the State Department. I'm only posting a portion of the article below......
The State of Trump's State Department
The flags in the lobby of the State Department stood bathed in sunlight and silence on a recent afternoon. “It’s normally so busy here,” marveled a State Department staffer as we stood watching the emptiness. “People are usually coming in for meetings, there’s lots of people, and now it’s so quiet.” The action at Foggy Bottom has instead moved to the State Department cafeteria where, in the absence of work, people linger over countless coffees with colleagues. (“The cafeteria is so crowded all day,” a mid-level State Department officer said, adding that it was a very unusual sight. “No one’s doing anything.”) As the staffer and I walked among the tables and chairs, people with badges chatted over coffee; one was reading his Kindle.
“It just feels empty,” a recently departed senior State official told me.
This week began with reports that President Donald Trump’s budget proposal will drastically slash the State Department’s funding, and last week ended with White House adviser and former Breitbart head Stephen Bannon telling the attendees of the annual Conservative Political Action Conference that what he and the new president were after was a “deconstruction of the administrative state.” At the State Department, which employs nearly 70,000 people around the world, that deconstruction is already well underway.
In the last week, I’ve spoken with a dozen current and recently departed State Department employees, all of whom asked for anonymity either because they were not authorized to speak to the press and feared retribution by an administration on the prowl for leakers, or did not want to burn their former colleagues. None of these sources were political appointees. Rather, they were career foreign service officers or career civil servants, most of whom have served both Republican and Democratic administrations—and many of whom do not know each other. They painted a picture of a State Department adrift and listless.
Sometimes, the deconstruction of the administrative state is quite literal. After about two dozen career staff on the seventh floor—the State Department’s equivalent of a C suite—were told to find other jobs, some with just 12 hours’ notice, construction teams came in over Presidents’ Day weekend and began rebuilding the office space for a new team and a new concept of how State’s nerve center would function. (This concept hasn’t been shared with most of the people who are still there.) The space on Mahogany Row, the line of wood-paneled offices including that of the secretary of state, is now a mysterious construction zone behind blue tarp.
With the State Department demonstratively shut out of meetings with foreign leaders, key State posts left unfilled, and the White House not soliciting many department staffers for their policy advice, there is little left to do. “If I left before 10 p.m., that was a good day,” said the State staffer of the old days, which used to start at 6:30 in the morning. “Now, I come in at 9, 9:15, and leave by 5:30.” The seeming hostility from the White House, the decades of American foreign-policy tradition being turned on its head, and the days of listlessness are taking a toll on people who are used to channeling their ambition and idealism into the detail-oriented, highly regimented busywork that greases the infinite wheels of a massive bureaucracy. Without it, anxiety has spiked. People aren’t sleeping well. Over a long impromptu lunch one afternoon—“I can meet tomorrow or today, whenever! Do you want to meet right now?”—the staffer told me she too has trouble sleeping now, kept awake by her worries about her job and America’s fading role in the world.
“I used to love my job,” she said. “Now, it feels like coming to the hospital to take care of a terminally ill family member. You come in every day, you bring flowers, you brush their hair, paint their nails, even though you know there’s no point. But you do it out of love.”
Some try to conduct policy meetings just to retain the muscle memory and focus, but, said another department employee, “in the last couple months, it’s been a lot more sitting around and going home earlier than usual.” Some wander around the streets of Foggy Bottom, going for long, aimless lunches. “I’m used to going to three or four interagency policy meetings a week,” the employee added, referring to the meetings in which policy is developed in coordination with other government departments. “I’ve had exactly one of those meetings in the last five weeks.” Even the torrent of inter-department email has slowed to a trickle. The State Department staffer told me that where she once used to get two hundred emails a day, it’s down to two dozen now. “Not since I began at the department a decade ago has it been so quiet,” she said. “Colleagues tell me it’s the same for them.”
A lot of this, the employee said, is because there is now a “much smaller decision circle.” And many State staffers are surprised to find themselves on the outside. “They really want to blow this place up,” said the mid-level State Department officer. “I don’t think this administration thinks the State Department needs to exist. They think Jared [Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law] can do everything. It’s reminiscent of the developing countries where I’ve served. The family rules everything, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs knows nothing.”
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Very worrisome.
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“I don’t think this administration thinks the State Department needs to exist. They think Jared [Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law] can do everything. It’s reminiscent of the developing countries where I’ve served. The family rules everything, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs knows nothing.”
That about sums it up.